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Cash transfers can reduce child labor if
structured well and if they account for the reasons children work
Cash transfers are a popular and successful
means of tackling household vulnerability and promoting human capital
investment. They can also reduce child labor, especially when it is a
response to household vulnerability, but their efficacy is very variable. If
not properly designed, cash transfers that promote children's education can
increase their economic activities in order to pay the additional costs of
schooling. The efficacy of cash transfers may also be reduced if the
transfers enable investment in productive assets that boost the returns to
child labor. The impact of cash transfers must thus be assessed as part of
the whole incentive system faced by the household.
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For unemployment benefit programs, the key policy
issues are the level of benefits and subsidies and the types of taxes used
to finance them
In reforming unemployment benefit systems, the
policy debate should be on the appropriate level of benefits, the subsidies
needed for people who cannot contribute enough, and how to finance the
subsidies, rather than on whether unemployment insurance or individual
unemployment savings accounts are better. Unemployment insurance finances
subsidies through implicit taxes on savings, while individual savings
accounts with solidarity funds finance subsidies through payroll taxes.
Taxes on certain consumption goods and real estate could be considered as
well and could be less distortionary.
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Grants and training programs are great complements to
social assistance to help people out of poverty
Productive inclusion programs provide an integrated
package of services, such as grants and training, to promote self-employment and wage
employment among the poor. They show promising long-term impacts, and are often proposed
as a way to graduate the poor out of social assistance. Nevertheless, neither productive
inclusion nor social assistance will be able to solve the broader poverty challenge
independently. Rather, the future is in integrating productive inclusion into the
existing social assistance system, though this poses several design, coordination, and
implementation challenges.
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Uncoordinated unemployment insurance and
severance pay do a poor job of insuring against losses resulting from job
displacement
Job displacement poses a serious earnings threat
to long-tenured workers through unemployment spells and lower re-employment
wages. The prevailing method of insuring job displacement losses involves an
uncoordinated combination of unemployment insurance and severance pay. Less
developed countries often rely exclusively on public mandating of employer
severance pay due to the administrative complexity of unemployment insurance
systems. If both options are operational, systematic integration of the two
is important, although perhaps not possible if severance pay is voluntarily
provided.
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Wage losses upon re-employment can seriously
harm long-tenured displaced workers if they are not properly insured
Job displacement represents a serious earnings
risk to long-tenured workers through lower re-employment wages, and these
losses may persist for many years. Moreover, this risk is often poorly
insured, although not for a lack of policy interest. To reduce this risk,
most countries mandate scheduled wage insurance (severance pay), although it
is provided only voluntarily in others, including the US. Actual-loss wage
insurance is uncommon, although perceived difficulties may be overplayed.
Both approaches offer the hope of greater consumption smoothing, with
actual-loss plans carrying greater promise, but more uncertainty, of
success.
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Payroll tax cuts in developing economies might
be beneficial to the formal sector, even when the informal sector is
large
Informal employment accounts for more than half
of total employment in Latin America and the Caribbean, and an even higher
percentage in Africa and South Asia. It is associated with lack of social
insurance, low tax collection, and low productivity jobs. Lowering payroll
taxes is a potential lever to increase formal employment and extend social
insurance coverage among the labor force. However, the effects of tax cuts
vary across countries, often resulting in large wage shifts but relatively
small employment effects. Cutting payroll taxes requires levying other taxes
to compensate for lost revenue, which may be difficult in developing
economies.
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Getting the incentives right for firms and
workers should be the priority in the labor formalization agenda
A large share of the population in emerging
market economies has no pension coverage, exposing them to the economic
risks arising from socio-economic and individual shocks. This problem, which
arises from having large informal (unregulated) sectors, affects not only
poor workers, but as many as half the newly or nearly middle class in some
emerging market economies. With very little social protection coverage
today, these workers will also be vulnerable in the future unless tax,
labor, and social policies change to encourage formalization. While
formalization would require substantial resources in the short-term, it
seems financially sustainable.
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Minimum pension programs reduce poverty in old
age but they can also reduce the labor supply of low-income workers
The main purpose of minimum pension benefit
programs and old-age social assistance programs is to guarantee a minimum
standard of living after retirement and thus to alleviate poverty in old
age. In many developing and developed countries, the minimum pension program
is a key welfare program and a major influence on the retirement decisions
of low-income workers and workers with erratic work histories. The design of
many minimum pension programs tends to create strong incentives for
low-income workers to retire as soon as they become eligible for the
program, which is often earlier than the normal retirement age.
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