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Job displacement is a serious earnings risk and the displaced are typically poorly insured
Job displacement is a serious earnings risk to long-tenured workers, both through spells of unemployment and through reduced wages on subsequent jobs. Less developed countries often rely exclusively on government mandated employer-provided severance pay to protect displaced workers. Higher income countries usually rely on public unemployment insurance and mandated severance pay. Beyond these options, more administratively demanding plans have been proposed, including UI savings accounts and “actual loss” wage insurance, though real-world experience on either model is lacking.
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Wage losses upon re-employment can seriously
harm long-tenured displaced workers if they are not properly insured
Job displacement represents a serious earnings
risk to long-tenured workers through lower re-employment wages, and these
losses may persist for many years. Moreover, this risk is often poorly
insured, although not for a lack of policy interest. To reduce this risk,
most countries mandate scheduled wage insurance (severance pay), although it
is provided only voluntarily in others, including the US. Actual-loss wage
insurance is uncommon, although perceived difficulties may be overplayed.
Both approaches offer the hope of greater consumption smoothing, with
actual-loss plans carrying greater promise, but more uncertainty, of
success.
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Cash transfers can reduce child labor if
structured well and if they account for the reasons children work
Cash transfers are a popular and successful
means of tackling household vulnerability and promoting human capital
investment. They can also reduce child labor, especially when it is a
response to household vulnerability, but their efficacy is very variable. If
not properly designed, cash transfers that promote children's education can
increase their economic activities in order to pay the additional costs of
schooling. The efficacy of cash transfers may also be reduced if the
transfers enable investment in productive assets that boost the returns to
child labor. The impact of cash transfers must thus be assessed as part of
the whole incentive system faced by the household.
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The institutional structure of pension systems
should follow population developments
For decades, pension systems were based on the
rising revenue generated by an expanding population (the so-called
demographic dividend). As changes in fertility and longevity created new
population structures, however, the dividend disappeared, but pension
systems failed to adapt. They are kept solvent by increasing redistributions
from the shrinking working-age population to retirees. A simple and
transparent structure and individualization of pension system participation
are the key preconditions for an intergenerationally just old-age security
system.
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How to design social protection programs that
poor women can benefit from
Women are more likely than men to work in the
informal sector and to drop out of the labor force for a time, such as after
childbirth, and to be impeded by social norms from working in the formal
sector. This work pattern undermines productivity, increases women's
vulnerability to income shocks, and impairs their ability to save for old
age. Many developing countries have introduced social protection programs to
protect poor people from social and economic risks, but despite women's
often greater need, the programs are generally less accessible to women than
to men.
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Labor productivity is generally seen as bringing
wealth and prosperity; but how does it vary over the business cycle?
Aggregate labor productivity is a central
indicator of an economy’s economic development and a wellspring of living
standards. Somewhat controversially, many macroeconomists see productivity
as a primary driver of fluctuations in economic activity along the business
cycle. In some countries, the cyclical behavior of labor productivity seems
to have changed. In the past 20–30 years, the US has become markedly less
procyclical, while the rest of the OECD has not changed or productivity has
become even more procyclical. Finding a cogent and coherent explanation of
these developments is challenging.
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Payroll tax cuts in developing economies might
be beneficial to the formal sector, even when the informal sector is
large
Informal employment accounts for more than half
of total employment in Latin America and the Caribbean, and an even higher
percentage in Africa and South Asia. It is associated with lack of social
insurance, low tax collection, and low productivity jobs. Lowering payroll
taxes is a potential lever to increase formal employment and extend social
insurance coverage among the labor force. However, the effects of tax cuts
vary across countries, often resulting in large wage shifts but relatively
small employment effects. Cutting payroll taxes requires levying other taxes
to compensate for lost revenue, which may be difficult in developing
economies.
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Unemployment insurance can protect against
income loss and create formal employment
Unemployment insurance can be an efficient tool
to provide protection for workers against unemployment and foster formal job
creation in developing countries. How much workers value this protection and
to what extent it allows a more efficient job search are two key parameters
that determine its effectiveness. However, evidence shows that important
challenges remain in the introduction and expansion of unemployment
insurance in developing countries. These challenges range from achieving
coverage in countries with high informality, financing the scheme without
further distorting the labor market, and ensuring progressive
redistribution.
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