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Government policies can stimulate female labor
force participation if coherent and well thought-out
Increasing women's labor force participation is
important to sustainable economic development, especially in economies with
highly educated women and an aging population. Women's participation varies
across transition countries, driven by such economic and social factors as
traditional views of gender roles and limited government support for
caregivers. Still, in all countries there is clear scope for policies aimed
at increasing women's participation. In particular, in countries where
women's educational attainment is already high, policies to support a better
work–life balance and female entrepreneurship look particularly
promising.
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Improving outcomes for women takes more than
raising labor force participation—good jobs are important too
The relationship between female labor force
participation and economic development is far more complex than often
portrayed in both the academic literature and policy debates. Due to various
economic and social factors, such as the pattern of growth, education
attainment, and social norms, trends in female labor force participation do
not conform consistently with the notion of a U-shaped relationship with
GDP. Beyond participation rates, policymakers need to focus on improving
women’s access to quality employment.
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The world’s second largest economy has boomed,
but a rapidly aging labor force presents substantial challenges
China experienced significant economic progress
over the past few decades with an annual average GDP growth of approximately
10%. Population expansion has certainly been a contributing factor, but that
is now changing as China rapidly ages. Rural migrants are set to play a key
role in compensating for future labor shortages, but inequality is a major
issue. Evidence shows that rural migrants have low-paying and undesirable
jobs in urban labor markets, which points to inefficient labor allocation
and discrimination that may continue to impede rural–urban migration.
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Labor productivity is generally seen as bringing
wealth and prosperity; but how does it vary over the business cycle?
Aggregate labor productivity is a central
indicator of an economy’s economic development and a wellspring of living
standards. Somewhat controversially, many macroeconomists see productivity
as a primary driver of fluctuations in economic activity along the business
cycle. In some countries, the cyclical behavior of labor productivity seems
to have changed. In the past 20–30 years, the US has become markedly less
procyclical, while the rest of the OECD has not changed or productivity has
become even more procyclical. Finding a cogent and coherent explanation of
these developments is challenging.
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One-company towns concentrate employment but
their ability to adapt to adverse events is often very limited
One-company towns are a relatively rare
phenomenon. Mostly created in locations that are difficult to access, due to
their association with industries such as mining, they have been a marked
feature of the former planned economies. One-company towns typically have
high concentrations of employment that normally provide much of the funding
for local services. This combination has proven problematic when faced with
shocks that force restructuring or even closure. Specific policies for the
redeployment of labor and funding of services need to be in place instead of
subsidies simply aimed at averting job losses.
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Speaking English has its benefits in transition
countries but can it supersede Russian?
In many transition countries, the collapse of
communism ushered in language reforms to adapt to the newfound independence
from the Soviet Union and openness to the rest of the world. Such reforms
may have implications for individuals’ economic opportunities, since foreign
language proficiency may enhance or signal productivity in the labor market.
Recent empirical evidence documents positive labor market returns to English
language skills in transition countries. However, Russian language
proficiency also remains economically valuable, and nationalist language
policies may lead to future loss of economic opportunities.
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Both general and age-specific policies are
necessary to reduce youth unemployment in transition economies
The 2008 financial crisis and subsequent Great
Recession created a second major employment shock in less than a generation
in several transition economies. In particular, youth unemployment rates,
which are usually higher than adult rates in normal times, reached extremely
high levels and partly tended to persist over time. Improving youth labor
market performance should therefore be a top priority for policymakers in
affected transition countries. Better understanding of the dynamics of
national and regional youth unemployment rates and other associated
indicators is particularly important for designing effective policy
approaches.
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Restructuring and upskilling prevents job
polarization but may leave countries vulnerable to routine-biased technical
change
Job polarization can pose serious problems for
emerging economies that rely on worker reallocation from low-skilled to
middle-skilled jobs to converge toward advanced economies. Evidence from
Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries shows that structural change
and education expansion can prevent polarization, as they enable a shift
from manual to cognitive work and prevent the “hollowing out” of
middle-skilled jobs. However, in CEE countries they have also led to a high
routine cognitive content of jobs, which makes such jobs susceptible to
automation and computerization in the future.
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A range of other policies and changes are needed
for childcare expansion to increase mothers’ labor supply
In 2002, the EU set targets for expanding
childcare coverage, but most of the post-socialist countries are behind
schedule. While childcare expansion places a heavy financial burden on
governments, low participation in the labor force by mothers, especially
those with children under the age of three, implies a high potential impact.
However, the effectiveness of childcare expansion may be limited by some
common characteristics of these countries: family policies that do not
support women’s labor market re-entry, few flexible work opportunities, and
cultural norms about family and gender roles shaped by the institutional and
economic legacy of socialism.
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