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The occupational status of most immigrants
initially declines but then increases
Evidence suggests that immigrants face an
initial decline in their occupational status when they enter the host
country labor market but that their position improves as they acquire more
country-specific human, cultural, and occupational capital. High-skilled
immigrants from countries that are economically, linguistically, and
culturally different from the host country experience the greatest decline
and the steepest subsequent increase in their occupational status. In the
context of sharp international competition to attract high-skilled
immigrants, this adjustment pattern is contradictory and discourages
potential high-skilled migrants.
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There is no evidence that increases in the
minimum wage have hurt immigrants
According to economic theory, a minimum wage
reduces the number of low-wage jobs and increases the number of available
workers, allowing greater hiring selectivity. More competition for a smaller
number of low-wage jobs will disadvantage immigrants if employers perceive
them as less skilled than native-born workers—and vice versa. Studies
indicate that a higher minimum wage does not hurt immigrants, but there is
no consensus on whether immigrants benefit at the expense of natives.
Studies also reach disparate conclusions on whether higher minimum wages
attract or repel immigrants.
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Refugee status and country of origin shape the
economic outcomes of newcomer children later in life
The number of refugees has increased worldwide,
and about half of them are children and youth. These refugee children arrive
in resettlement countries with a unique set of challenges caused by, for
instance, extreme stress and trauma that call for specific policies to
address their needs. Yet, the long-term effect of refugee status on newcomer
children's economic trajectories varies by country of origin, signaling the
need for effective resettlement support and initiatives to tackle broader
systemic barriers for newcomer children, beyond refugees. Such findings
challenge the commonly held notion of refugees as a distinctive, relatively
homogeneous group with similar trajectories.
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It is vital to measure language proficiency
well, as it crucially determines immigrants’ earnings
Over recent decades, Western countries have
admitted many immigrants from non-traditional regions (e.g. Philippines,
India, China), which has coincided with poor economic integration. Language
proficiency is an important determinant of economic integration; in addition
to being a component of human capital, it plays a key role in facilitating
the transmission of other components of human capital. Examining the
strengths and weaknesses of objective and subjective measures of language
proficiency is crucial for good integration policy, as is understanding the
relationship between these measures and earnings, a key indicator of
economic integration.
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Business ownership is higher among immigrants,
but promoting self-employment is unlikely to improve outcomes for the less
skilled
Immigrants are widely perceived to be highly
entrepreneurial, contributing to economic growth and innovation, and
self-employment is often viewed as a means of enhancing labor market
integration and success among immigrants. Accordingly, many countries have
established special visas and entry requirements to attract immigrant
entrepreneurs. Research supports some of these stances, but expectations may
be too high. There is no strong evidence that self-employment is an
effective tool of upward economic mobility among low-skilled immigrants.
More broadly prioritizing high-skilled immigrants may prove to be more
successful than focusing on entrepreneurship.
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Despite returnees being a potential resource,
not all low- and middle-income countries benefit from their return
Return migration can have multiple benefits.
It allows migrants who have accumulated savings abroad to ease credit
constraints at home and set up a business. Also, emigrants from low- and
middle-income countries who have invested in their human capital may earn
higher wages when they return. However, whether the home country benefits
from return migrants depends on the migrant's success in accumulating
savings and human capital and on the home country's ability to make use of
returnees’ skills and investment. To benefit from returnees, home countries
need policies that encourage returnees’ investment and labor market
reintegration.
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A mix of policies could be the solution to
reducing discrimination in the labor market
Discrimination is a complex, multi-factor
phenomenon. Evidence shows widespread discrimination on various grounds,
including ethnic origin, sexual orientation, gender identity, religion or
beliefs, disability, being over 55 years old, or being a woman. Combating
discrimination requires combining the strengths of a range of
anti-discrimination policies while also addressing their weaknesses. In
particular, policymakers should thoroughly address prejudice (taste-based
discrimination), stereotypes (statistical discrimination), cognitive biases,
and attention-based discrimination.
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High-quality enclave networks encourage labor
market success for newly arriving immigrants
Immigrants tend to live in clusters within host
countries. Does clustering in ethnic enclaves explain the persistent
differences in skill, employment rates, and earnings between immigrants and
the native population? Empirical studies consistently find that residing in
an enclave can increase earnings. While it is ambiguous whether employment
probabilities are also affected or whether earnings benefits accrue to all
immigrants, irrespective of their skill levels, it is clear that effects are
driven by enclave “quality” (in terms of income, education, and employment)
rather than enclave size.
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