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Cognitive skills are more relevant in explaining earnings,
socio-emotional skills in determining labor supply and schooling
Common proxies, such as years of education, have been shown to
be ineffective at capturing cross-country differences in skills acquisition, as well as the
role they play in the labor market. A large body of research shows that direct measures of
skills, in particular cognitive and socio-emotional ones, provide more adequate estimations of
individuals’ differences in potential productive capacity than the quantity of education they
receive. Evidence shows that cognitive skills in particular are quite relevant to explain
wages, while socio-emotional skills are more associated with labor force and education
participation decisions.
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While mostly missing their primary objectives, adult
literacy programs can still improve key socio-economic outcomes
In addition to the traditional education system
targeting children and youth, one potentially important vehicle to improve
literacy and numeracy skills is adult literacy programs (ALPs). In many
developing countries, however, these programs do not seem to achieve these
hoped for, ex ante, objectives and have therefore received less attention,
if not been largely abandoned, in recent years. But, evidence shows that
ALPs do affect other important socio-economic outcomes such as health,
household income, and labor market participation by enhancing participants’
health knowledge and income-generating activities.
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Better understanding of skills mismatch is essential to finding effective policy options
Evidence suggests that productivity would be much higher and unemployment much lower if the supply of and demand for skills were better matched. As a result, skills mismatch between workers (supply) and jobs (demand) commands the ongoing attention of policymakers in many countries. Policies intended to address the persistence of skills mismatch focus on the supply side of the issue by emphasizing worker education and training. However, the role of the demand side, that is, employers’ rigid skill requirements, garners comparatively little policy attention.
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Penalties may last ten years or more, especially
for high-educated youth and in rigid labor markets
The Great Recession that began in 2008–2009
dramatically increased youth unemployment. But did it have long-lasting,
adverse effects on the careers of youths? Are cohorts that graduate during a
recession doomed to fall permanently behind those that graduate at other
times? Are the impacts different for low- and high-educated individuals? If
recessions impose penalties that persist over time, then more government
outlays are justified to stabilize economic activity. Scientific evidence
from a variety of countries shows that rigid labor markets can reinforce the
persistence of these setbacks, which has important policy implications.
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Moonlighting responds to economic needs, but can generate new skills and careers
Multiple job-holding, or “moonlighting”, is an important form of atypical employment in most economies. New forms of work, driven by digitalization, may enable its future growth. However, many misconceptions exist, including the belief that multiple job-holders are only low-skilled individuals who moonlight primarily for financial reasons, or that the practice increases during economic downturns. Recent literature highlights the significant links between moonlighting and job mobility. Multiple job-holding allows for the development of workers’ skills and spurs entrepreneurship.
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On-the-job learning is more important for
workers’ human capital development than formal training
Although early human capital theory recognized the relevance of workers’ experience, its focus was on education and formal training. More recent studies show that much of the performance of newly hired workers is driven by learning by doing or learning from peers or supervisors in the workplace. Descriptive data show that workers learn a lot from the various tasks they perform on the job. Informal learning at work seems to be relevant for all age groups, although it is more meaningful for younger workers’ performance. Informal learning is far more important for workers’ human capital development than formal training courses.
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Firm-sponsored training benefits both workers
and firms through higher wages, increased productivity and innovation
Workers participating in firm-sponsored training
receive higher wages as a result. But given that firms pay the majority of
costs for training, shouldn’t they also benefit? Empirical evidence shows
that this is in fact the case. Firm-sponsored training leads to higher
productivity levels and increased innovation, both of which benefit the
firm. Training can also be complementary to, and enhance, other types of
firm investment, particularly in physical capital, such as information and
communication technology (ICT), and in organizational capital, such as the
implementation of high-performance workplace practices.
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Systems combining structured learning on the job
with classroom training can ease youth unemployment
Youth unemployment has increased in many
industrialized countries following the recent global recession. However,
this reflects not only the cyclical shock, but also the crucial role of
institutions in structuring the transition from school to work. Vocational
training, in particular in a dual form combining vocational schooling and
structured learning on-the-job, is often considered to be one of the most
important policy solutions in combating youth unemployment. The evidence
available supports this perception, but the institutional requirements of a
successful training system also have to be taken into account from a policy
perspective.
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