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Appropriate timing and targeting of activation
programs for the unemployed can help improve their cost-effectiveness
Activation programs, such as job search
assistance, training, or work experience programs for unemployed workers,
typically initially produce negative employment effects. These so-called
“lock-in effects” occur because participants spend less time and effort on
job search activities than non-participants. Lock-in effects need to be
offset by sufficiently large post-participation employment or earnings for
the programs to be cost-effective. They represent key indirect costs that
are often more important than direct program costs. The right timing and
targeting of these programs can improve their cost-effectiveness by reducing
lock-in effects.
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Better understanding of skills mismatch is essential to finding effective policy options
Evidence suggests that productivity would be much higher and unemployment much lower if the supply of and demand for skills were better matched. As a result, skills mismatch between workers (supply) and jobs (demand) commands the ongoing attention of policymakers in many countries. Policies intended to address the persistence of skills mismatch focus on the supply side of the issue by emphasizing worker education and training. However, the role of the demand side, that is, employers’ rigid skill requirements, garners comparatively little policy attention.
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Vouchers can create a market for training but
may lengthen participants’ unemployment duration
The objective of providing vocational training
for the unemployed is to increase their chances of re-employment and human
capital accumulation. In comparison to mandatory course assignment by case
workers, the awarding of vouchers increases recipients’ freedom to choose
between different courses and makes non-redemption a possibility. In
addition, vouchers may introduce market mechanisms between training
providers. However, empirical evidence suggests that voucher allocation
mechanisms prolong the unemployment duration of training participants. But,
after an initial period of deterioration, better long-term employment
opportunities are possible.
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Staffing agencies could play a more prominent
role in the provision of training for the low qualified and previously
unemployed
Temporary work agencies use training as a
recruitment and retention argument when qualified labor is scarce. However,
short job assignments present a major obstacle for employers and employees
to increase investment in training. As temporary agency workers are mainly
low-qualified and often previously unemployed, paid work in combination with
training should lead to more sustainable employment. Adjustments in labor
market institutions could make the provision of training more attractive for
both staffing agencies and temporary agency workers.
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Secondary and higher education are windows of
opportunity for boosting students’ life skills
Life skills, sometimes referred to as
noncognitive skills or personality traits (e.g. conscientiousness or locus
of control—the belief to influence events and their outcomes), affect labor
market productivity. Policymakers and academics are thus exploring whether
such skills should be taught at the high school or college level. A small
portfolio of recent studies shows encouraging evidence that education could
strengthen life skills in adolescence. However, as no uniform approach
exists on which life skills are most important and how to best measure them,
many important questions must be answered before life skill development can
become an integral part of school curricula.
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Training programs that meet the learning needs
of older workers can improve their employability
The labor market position of older workers is
cause for concern in many industrialized countries. Rapid population aging
is challenging pension systems. The recent economic crisis has forced many
older adults out of the workforce, into either pre-retirement or
non-employment. Encouraging people to work longer and fostering the
employability of older workers have become priorities for policymakers.
Training specifically designed for older workers might help attain these
goals, since it may refresh human capital and reduce the pay–productivity
gap. Training older workers might also benefit employers and society as a
whole.
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Cost–benefit surveys of employers help design
more effective training policies
Apprenticeship training programs typically last
several years and require substantial investments by training firms, largely
due to the associated labor costs for participants and instructors.
Nevertheless, apprentices also add significant value in the workplace. One
tool to measure the costs and benefits of training for firms is employer
surveys, which were first introduced in the 1970s in Germany. Such
cost–benefit surveys (CBS) help to better understand a firm's demand for
apprentices and to identify market failures. Therefore, CBS are an important
tool for designing effective training policies.
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Young people experience worse labor market
outcomes than adults worldwide but the difference varies greatly
internationally
In Germany, young people are no worse off than
adults in the labor market, while in southern and eastern European
countries, they fare three to four times worse. In Anglo-Saxon countries,
both youth and adults fare better than elsewhere, but their unemployment
rates fluctuate more over the business cycle. The arrangements developed in
each country to help young people gain work experience explain the striking
differences in their outcomes. A better understanding of what drives these
differences in labor market performance of young workers is essential for
policies to be effective.
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Job search training and occupational skills
training are both effective
Time plays an important role in both the design
and interpretation of evaluation studies of training programs. While the
start and duration of a training program are closely linked to the evolution
of job opportunities, the impact of training programs in the short and
longer term changes over time. Neglecting these “dynamics” could lead to an
unduly negative assessment of the effects of certain training schemes.
Therefore, a better understanding of the dynamic relationship between
different types of training and their respective labor market outcomes is
essential for a better design and interpretation of evaluation studies.
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Why spending on occupational skills can yield
economic returns to employers
Economists have long believed that firms will not
pay to develop occupational skills that workers could use in other, often
competing, firms. Researchers now recognize that firms that invest in
apprenticeship training generally reap good returns. Evidence indicates that
financial returns to firms vary. Some recoup their investment within the
apprenticeship period, while others see their investment pay off only after
accounting for reduced turnover, recruitment, and initial training costs.
Generally, the first year of apprenticeships involves significant costs, but
subsequently, the apprentice's contributions exceed his/her wages and
supervisory costs. Most participating firms view apprenticeships as offering
certainty that all workers have the same high level of expertise and
ensuring an adequate supply of well-trained workers to cover sudden
increases in demand and to fill leadership positions.
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