Articles

The Netherlands has long been an example of a highly and centrally institutionalized labor market paying considerable attention to equity concerns. Fracturing of the labor force by the rapid demise of the single-earner model and accelerating immigration, falling union density, and reductions in welfare state provisions have shrunk labor’s market power centrally and decentrally. Wages lagged far behind productivity growth, job security strongly declined and wage inequality increased. This comes to the fore with a lack of offensive union power when after 2016 labor demand accelerated and the economy and employment quickly reached new heights after the pandemic crisis.

The Indian economy entered an ongoing process of trade liberalization, domestic deregulation, and privatization of public sector units in 1991. Since then, per capita output has increased significantly, while the overall unemployment rate has remained moderate. However, labor force participation rates fell sharply, though recovering for women since 2020. Youth unemployment remains high, an overwhelming proportion of the labor force continues to work in the informal sector, labor movement out of agriculture is slow, and there is little evidence of a sustained rise in wages for either unskilled rural or factory workers.

In the first two decades of the 2000s, Turkey has relied on structural change from traditional to modern sectors on the one hand and educational compositional change on the other hand to create formal employment in the modern sector. In 2000 the share of formally employed salaried employees in total employment was less than 40% for men and 30% for women. By 2021, this ration converged to 60% for men and women. Formal employment has increased for both men and women and the gender gap in formal employment declined substantially until 2020. However, relying on structural change and education to improve job quality has likely run its course. Since Covid-19, time-related underemployment has increased from virtually zero to 10% of the labor force and wages are stagnating if not declining.

China experienced significant economic progress over the past few decades, with an annual average GDP growth of approximately 8.6%. Population expansion has certainly been a contributing factor, but that is now changing as China rapidly ages. Rural migrants are set to play a key role in compensating for future labor shortages. However, they still face significant barriers to live in cities permanently, resulting in surging waves of return migration in recent years. Additionally, China faces a low fertility rate of 1.01 births per woman, although the population control policy has been relaxed. Millions of people are employed in the food delivery and courier industry, yet with little social benefit and insurance, which poses potential challenges for China’s labor market stability.

In 2024, Italy's labor market has reached record-high levels of employment and permanent contracts, marking a significant recovery from past downturns. Yet, persistent challenges remain. Youth unemployment and labor market duality remain high, and wages and productivity have stagnated for over two decades. Although several major labor market reforms have aimed to increase flexibility and reduce segmentation, many of their effects remain contested. Female participation has risen and long-term unemployment has declined, yet regional disparities remain deep and persistent, with the south lagging behind. Self-employment is widespread but often low income and non-entrepreneurial, while undeclared work continues to weigh on labor standards and fiscal capacity. Targeted reforms are needed to improve labor market inclusion, reduce fragmentation, and support sustainable growth.

In the early 2000s, Hungary’s employment rate in the working-age population was below 60%. That is now a distant memory, as labor force participation is among the highest in the EU, unemployment is consistently low, and the purchasing power of wages keeps growing at a high rate. While undoubtedly a success story, it is also a cautionary tale of coerced activation, labor market segmentation, rising inequalities, declining social mobility, and strained employment relations.

The privilege or disadvantage of individuals is not determined by a single social identity. The sexual division of labor affects women’s and men’s labor supply, the industries and occupations they enter, their earnings and progress. However, being a racial/ethnic or sexual minority (along with class and age) also influences job opportunities. Evidence shows that minority women’s experiences are unique and jointly determined by their gender and minority status, although the gender effect appears to precede that of minority.

There is little to no consensus in the academic literature over whether centralised, standardised exams are better for students than teacher assessments. While a growing body of evidence from economics highlights bias in teacher assessments, educationalists and psychologists point to the harm caused by high-stakes exam-related stress and argue that exams and teacher assessments generally agree very closely. This lack of academic consensus is reflected in policy: a wide variety of assessment methods are used across (and even within) countries. Policymakers should be aware of the potential for inequalities in non-blind assessments and consider carefully the consequences of relying on a single method of assessment.

The relationship between female labor force participation and economic development is far more complex than often portrayed in both the academic literature and policy debates. Due to various economic and social factors, such as the pattern of growth, education attainment, and social norms, trends in female labor force participation do not conform consistently with the notion of a U-shaped relationship with gross domestic produc (GDP). Despite the initial impact, Covid-19 did not have a lasting negative effect, on average, on women’s participation. At the same time, some countries have made significant progress in increasing participation rates for women, including those who have started from a lower level.

Arguments for increasing gender diversity on corporate boards of directors by gender quotas range from ensuring equal opportunity to improving firm performance. The introduction of gender quotas in a number of countries, mainly in Europe, has increased female representation on boards. Current research does not unambiguously justify gender quotas on grounds of economic efficiency. In many countries, the number of women in top executive positions is limited, and it is not clear from the evidence that quotas lead to a larger pool of female top executives, who, in turn, are the main pipeline for boards of directors. Thus, other supplementary policies may be necessary if politicians want to increase the number of women in senior management positions.